On Friday, I marked the kick off of my series on Reconstruction in Florida. This article series will be tracking rise and fall of Black voting power in the sunshine state from the end of the Civil War and toward the turn of the century. My Friday piece was “Issue 0” - a broader article looking at some of the politicians and groups that would play a major roll in the events to come.
I do recommend that piece for more details on the broad “macro” trends going on in Florida at the time and in events to come. That article also includes a history of the events from the end of the Civil War in 1865 through the beginning for Congressional Reconstruction in 1867.
Today’s article, Part 1, the true official kickoff, is going to cover the events of 1867 and 1868. Not every part will include such a short window of time. However, these early moments set the stage for everything that would follow in coming years. Here we saw the Florida Republican Party take shape and assorted factions emerge within that organization. My next issue will delve much more into the violence that tainted future elections.
With no time to waste, lets get going.
Congressional/Radical Reconstruction Begins
In early 1867, with the passage of the Reconstruction Acts in Congress, Florida underwent reorganization under federal watch. This marked the end of the brief stint of white southerners being able to dictate their own course after the war; which had included not letting newly freed slaves vote.
Under the acts, Florida was reduced to territory status, with its incumbent government deemed provisional. Each former Confederate State would have to hold a referendum on a constitutional convention and subsequently pass a new constitution. Each state had to adopt the 14th Amendment, which guaranteed equal rights regardless of race, and these elections had to allow for Black suffrage. Of course this only meant Black men, as women would not have the right to vote in Florida until the 1920s.
Quickly after these acts, a mass shift in Florida Democracy began.
Registering the Freedmen!
Under the newly passed laws, the Freedmen’s Bureau, which already had agents in Florida, was tasked with working toward the registration of the newly freed slaves. Since the bureau was part of the military the officials tasked with these efforts were largely military men. Virtually all of them were from the north - and these are the first “carpetbaggers” that white southerners would spend the next century blaming for all the problems to come.
This hatred for the bureau agents did not start off that way. At first, agents aimed to find common ground between native whites and the newly freed slaves. These were the moderates/conservatives that I referenced in Part 0. Many of them were swayed by the “respectable white leaders” of Florida - who pledged to move forward with Reconstruction and put the issues of the past behind them and accept Black voting rights and economic rights. However, many of these leaders were lying, and those not lying did not speak for the vast majority of the white population, which chafed at the idea of Black voting rights and Black equality.
Congress’ 2nd Reconstruction Act specifically designated the military commander for each state/region to work toward the registration of the freedmen; with the task to be completed by September 1st. Once it was clear to the native whites that Black registration could not be stopped, they aimed to try and sway over the newly freed slaves to their side of politics. Whites attempted to adopt of a posture of being the “noble paternalistic” types that would help “guide” Black voters on how to exercise their votes. This was noticed by the bureau agents and military leaders, who worried about the freedmen being bullied and lied to. As the agents informed the freedmen of their rights and were seen as protectors against native white abuse, these freedmen gravitated almost entirely to the Republican Party. This turn of events led to increasingly hostile responses from the native white population, who’s original kind words turned to threats.
General John Pope, who was commander for the military district that included Florida, and his Florida commissioner, John Sprauge, worked to set up registration drives through the spring. These were done by a combination of military and civilian leaders but with the military overseeing all events to ensure intimidation and fraud were not being engaged in by the native white population. In addition, many ex-confederates were still barred from voting; either unable to or unwilling to pledge loyalty to the union. Those found to have been active confederates were also barred, though much debate continued over who could or could not be barred based on military activity - and whether they had been drafted or not.
When registration was completed in mid September, the voter roll was 26,000 total - with Black men making up 58% of the voter roll.
With this registration completed, the referendum for a state constitution would be held from November 14th through 16th. The main polling site would be the county seat; though county leaders were empowered to expand sites if needed.
The same day as that referendum, delegate elections would be held for such a convention.
The 1867 Campaign and Emerging Coalitions
With the election season underway, Floridians had to decide how to engage with the new political status quo. Here is where we see the Florida Republican Party take formal root. Likewise, native whites had to settle on how to engage, if at all, in the process.
Early Republican Party Coalitions
The summer or registration and looking ahead to the referendum led to the formal organization of Republican Party forces in Florida. Here again the early leaders were military men with the Freedmen’s Bureau. It was at this time that the Republican forces began to split into the moderate/conservative and radical camps that I discussed in Issue 0.
In the moderate camps were people like Harris Reed and Thomas Osborne; northerners who had maintained good relations with native white leaders in the few recent years in the state. They initially favored a more conciliatory tone with the local white population, aiming to make Florida a stable place for investment from businesses in the north. These individuals would have preferred to make alliances with the “respectable” white leaders, but those efforts broke down with time. Individuals like Osborne became especially disliked by native whites when he was found to be organizing Black voters into Lincoln Brotherhoods - secret society political clubs for the Republican Party. Osborne was a more moderate Republican, but he also came to understand the native white leaders would aim to control the vote of the freedmen. Secret societies were a way to allow for Black leaders to engage and emerge without fear of white retaliation. Osborne’s coalition would ultimately be made up white Republicans and a minority of Black voters. He would lose the battle for Black support to the radical camp.
At the same time as Osborne was organizing, the early “radical Republican” faction formed. This faction favored a much stronger push for racial equality, especially on economic issues. They were less tied in with conservative business interests and favored a more aggressive punishment for the former confederates. They formed The Union Leagues, a counter to the more moderate Lincoln Brotherhood. Main leaders here were Liberty Billings (a Black northerner), Daniel Richards (a white northerner) and William Saunders (a black northerner). It was this camp that a majority of Black voters would gravitate to in the 1867 elections.
These two camps vied for control of the Republican Party in the summer of 1867. Factional lines at times crossed between the radical and conservative camp, with debate over racial representation, carpetbaggers vs southern unionists, and many other clashes of personalities playing out.
A Conservative/Native Opposition
When relations with the freedmen’s bureau agents broke down, the leaders of the native white population had to decide what to do. While a handful of unionists and other ex-confederates went to the Osborne faction, a vast majority of native whites did not. They organized the “Conservative” coalition - which would eventually just be the Democratic Party. Many of these leaders, knowing that Reconstruction could not be stopped thanks to military presence, resolved to try and build a coalition with Black voters; hoping to persuade them to be “guided” by their former masters. The key driver for the conservatives was home rule and the removal of federal forces. Their efforts to recruit Black support failed entirely.
Several county conventions were held to ultimately set up this conservative opposition campaign. However, a vast majority of the native white population appeared unwilling to go along. Many planned to simply boycott the referendum vote; which needed a majority of REGISTERED voters to pass. They would not vote for delegates, as that might indicate support for such a convention. Hence no real opposition campaign emerge for the 1867 elections. Instead boycotting was deemed the way to go.
The 1867 Referendum Results
The referendum to have a convention, as well as the delegate elections for the convention itself, took place in November. The conservative white boycott did take place, leading to a near universal support for holding a convention. The only issue was if the support for a convention would manage to get the majority of registered voters.
The official returns gave the convention 51% of registered voters. The county returns are incomplete, gathered from newspaper reports; but those with results show the majority-Black counties paving the way for victory.
Of those who did not vote, 77% of them were white. The Yes side was heavily fueled by Black voters, with only 1,220 whites supporting the measure compared with 13,000 Black voters. No black voters rejected the convention referendum and a vast majority made their vote heard.
Delegate Coalitions
The delegate elections that played out the same day were largely conducted by Black Republicans. Most delegates were unopposed, with the party aiming to placate all factions and sides in delegate selections; though more white candidates were nominate than Black. However, in the Gadsden election district and the Duval/St Johns/Nassau election district; radical candidates challenged the moderate candidates. This insurgent radical slate included prominent Black leaders such as Liberty Billings and Jonathan Gibbs. Those radical challengers won their races. While these men were Black northerners, they were heavily backed by the newly freed Black population of Florida.
In total, 27 white delegates were elected to the convention along with 18 Black delegates. Note these are the totals that could be found, but there was some dispute over winners, which carried into the convention itself.
Ideologically, the radical Republicans had an advantage over the more moderate faction. However, its worth noting these allegiances would be fluid at times, and even within these factions, many disagreements existed.
This first round of elections would then set the stage for a major ideological and personality battle at the upcoming convention.
A Convention Clash/Betrayal
Delegates made there way into Tallahassee for the January convention. The delegate list was a mix of assorted members from within and outside of the state. Native freedmen, Black and white Carpetbaggers, and handfuls of southern white unionists made up the roster. Of the 50 delegates in the convention, some each claiming to have won seats and some not being seated, this was the layout (from this excellent analysis of the convention and its assorted roll call votes)
19 Black Delegates
16 Southern Whites (most were unionists and/or not confederates)
12 White Northerners
3 Whites without clear geographic origin
The early days of the convention did show that radicals had a majority of the seats; with radical Daniel Richards being named convention chair. Weeks of back and forth debate and fights over delegate seating took place. On many votes coalitions did waver. The convention was a very tense affair, with the internal divisions within the Republican Party breaking further.
When it became clear the radicals had control of the convention, the moderate group walked out and made their way to neighboring Monticello to work on their own separate constitution. Left in Tallahassee by themselves, the radical faction passed their constitutional draft and subsequently nominated Billings to run for Governor and Richards for Lt Governor. Jonathan Gibbs was also nominated for Congress. This would have been a bi-racial ticket, with a Black man at the head.
However, at the same time this happened, the moderates/conservatives, now led by Osborn, were working on their own draft in Monticello. They would then return to Tallahassee late the night after the radicals had passed their constitution. In the dead of night, and with a quorum via two Black delegates pressured/tricked into coming to the meeting, the moderate faction claimed a quorum and passed their own constitution. As this happened, Billings and Richards were barred from entry to the hall by the federal troops stationed in the city. This underhanded saga is covered in good detail here.
Constitutional Differences
There were now two constitutions floating around, one from the radical camp and one from the moderate camp. Both sides submitted their documents to General George Meade, who had taken over military control of the area. In many respects, both documents were similar, but three major differences existed. Among these differences, it was clear the moderate constitution aimed to limit the rise of Black rule and ensure the white moderates could still control events
Local Officials - The radical constitution allowed for counties to elect local officials, like county commissioners or sheriffs. This mattered for majority-Black counties to elect their own leaders. The moderate constitution made most of these offices appointed by the governor
Loyalty Oath - The radical constitution aimed to limit the involvement of ex-confederates, keeping many active supporters from being able to engage in future politics. The moderate constitution did not have this
Apportionment - The radical constitution made the number of state legislative seats better match equal population. This would aid the heavily Black regions of the state. However, the moderate constitution limited each county to four house seats, with ever county guaranteed at least one. This elevated the white population well beyond their share of the population, guaranteeing no majority Black legislature could be elected, even if a majority of votes went to Black candidates.
The moderate faction had still produced a very progressive document. Their proposal guaranteed the right to vote, established equality of the races, and mandated the funding of public education. However, these leaders also wanted to control events, and did not want to antagonize the native whites that had boycotted the process. These people wanted a state harmonious for investment, and put that above equal representation and local rule for the freedmen. The goal of this is laid bare when we see that Harrison Reed, one of the leaders of the Conservative Republican organization, wrote to former Democratic Senator, and former Confederate, David Yulee that….
“Under our Constitution the Judiciary & State officers will be appointed & the apportionment will prevent a negro legislature.
After drafting their constitution, the conservative faction nominated Harris Reed as Governor and William Henry Gleason as Lt Governor. Gleason by all accounts was a pure opportunist. They then nominated Charles Hamilton for Congress. While Hamilton was in the more moderate wing, he also had many radical attributes and was well liked by Black voters is Jackson County where he had served with the freedman’s bureau.
Both radical and moderate documents were submitted by Meade to the Congressional Committee on reconstruction; which had to chose a document before elections for state offices could go ahead. Meade recommended the moderate constitution, but both sides lobbied in DC for their draft. In the end, the committee chose the moderate document; and with that giving the Reed/Osborn wing control of the party.
With this constitution, Black political power was already limited in Florida. The document in question created a very powerful Governorship, with the ability to control many appointments both locally and statewide. Other than for Congress, the only statewide elected posts would be the Governor and Lt Governor. This lack of devolved power meant that control of the Governorship was life and death for the freedmen moving forward. Regardless of their distaste for some of the moderate Republican factions, a Democratic win would be a disaster.
The constitution would still have to be approved at a referendum, the same day as the rest of the state elections would take place. That would be in May of 1868.
The 1868 Elections
The May elections saw contests held for Governor, Lt Governor, Congress, and State legislature. The biggest contests were Governor and the Constitutional Referendum. On both of these matters, many different coalitions formed.
Reed vs Democrats vs Radicals
Many Black leaders were upset with the chain of events that occurred at the convention and recognized the flaws in the constitution. Harris Reed was also an especially conservative candidate (in Republican terms). However, many radical leaders, both white and Black, came to the conclusion that a third party ticket only risked splitting the vote and risking a Democratic upset in the upcoming elections. Most Republicans would rally to the Reed ticket and constitutional approval, even as they held misgivings.
The radical leaders that did not rally around the Reed ticket found themselves with little hope of a victory. After some debate, the rump faction opted to put up their own slate of candidates as a way to rally opposition to the constitution (hoping for its defeat and a new effort to draft a document). They named Samuel Walker for Governor, William Christy for Lt Governor, and Liberty Billings for Congress. However, they continued to see defections, as prominent Black leaders like Jonathan Gibbs broke with Billings and opted to endorse Reed, hoping to gain influence in the administration to then advance Black economic and educational concerns.
Many Democrats, meanwhile, debated where to align with Reed or strike out with their won candidate. Some desired to influence the conservative wing of the Republican Party by working with them. Other desired to eventually cast out the Republicans all together and push for firm white supremacy. The hardened Democrats would not back Reed, instead nominating George Scott, a Florida merchant who also served in the Confederate Army. Democrats campaigned on firm white rule and the end of federal troop presence in the state. However, at the same time, many prominent Democrats did back the Reed campaign.
The moderate Republican ticket believed they were easy front-runners to win the elections, but took little to chance. Additional companies of soldiers were brought into the state to ensure Black voters could cast ballots and money came in from DC to help fund the campaign. Black voters in most counties came on to the moderate ticket, especially as Freedmen Bureau agents warned them of a fractured GOP field leading to Democratic/Conservative victory. Indeed the presence of a Democratic campaign kept much of the Republican voting blocks united. At the same time, Reed made overtures to Democrats; ensuring them that his appointment powers would be used to aid them if he was elected.
The Constitutional Referendum
Two key groups emerged to oppose approving the constitution at the referendum. The first was the Democrats; who did have some divide over whether or not to support the moderate document. While many leaders conceded that while Black suffrage was not good, the rest of the document was not especially offensive to them. As one leading Democrat said, if the Constitution was passed, it would “not absolutely ruin us.” Regardless of these sentiments, a large majority of whites rejected supporting the constitution, if they even planned to vote at all. How some leaders felt did not translate to the vast majority of voters.
The other major opposition block came from the radicals that refused to endorse the Reed ticket. Billings and Richards argued to reject the constitution; believing that a failure would lead to a chance at a new document. However, this sentiment to reject the constitution only seemed to catch on with those already willing to not vote for Reed. Few Black voters supporting Reed would subsequently vote to reject the constitution.
The Election Results
With the presence of federal troops, a Republican party that was largely united, and a voter roll still heavily Black, Reed and the moderate had reason to be confident in victory. The results showed that confidence was well founded. Reed easily won the election with 58% of the vote, with Scott back at 35%. Radical Republican Walker took 9%.
Most Black voters stuck with Reed, knowing that Democratic victory would be much worse than a Reed administration. Walker, meanwhile, won three majority-Black counties: Leon, Nassau, and Duval. The Nassau area was an especially strong radical base of support for Billings and others. In many counties, the Walker name did not emerge with any votes. Considering this was in an era before uniform ballots, with voters instead producing ballot sheets or verbally declaring their intentions, this reflects the lack of radical organization ability statewide.
That same day, the new state constitution was approved with 61% of the vote. The document got nearly the exact same number of ballots as Harrison Reed got. It won every Reed county, and also narrowly carried Taylor County. All three radical counties rejected the document.
The correlation between support for Reed and support for the constitution is nearly perfect. Only in a handful of counties was there a notable distinction in share of the vote for Reed and YES on the referendum.
The county level returns for Congress and Lt Governor are unfortunately not available, but it is safe to presume the correlation with Governor was likewise very strong. The Congressional results statewide saw Charles Hamilton get 59% of the vote, with radical Liberty Billings getting 9%, the same as Walker got in the Governor contest. It would be safe to presume Billings won the same three radical counties.
At the legislative level, the returns did produce a white majority legislature, but it was also a legislature that was firmly Republican. The Senate was 16 GOP to 8 DEM and the House was 37 GOP to 15 DEM. This legislature was then able to easily select two Republicans to serve in the United States Senate. Thomas Osborne was named Senator, with a term to serve until 1873. The other senate seat had a term that would end in 1869, and this went to Adonijah Welch. After Welch’s term would end, Abijah Gilbert would be appointed for the post that would run through 1875. No Black Republican was named. All white men.
The Tense Beginning of Republican Rule
On June 25th, Florida was officially re-admitted to the union and civil life resumed. However, it was not truly a “civil” time. Governor Reed came into office with a state in debt and with order breaking down in several parts of the state. Battles with DC over the keeping of federal troops in the region went on as Klan violence began to steadily rise. That violence would explode in the next few years, and will be a major topic of my next article.
Reed’s Early Betrayals
Governor Reed, meanwhile, proved to be the nefarious individual that many Black leaders worried he was. His early term saw him try and forge alliances with many conservative white Democrats; including naming one his comptroller and attorney general. Thanks to the constitution layout, he also had over 400 local posts to pick. While he would at times appoint Black officials in heavily Black counties, he also relied on recommendations from native secessionist whites.
Reed cared little for Black issues and preferred to try and forge a coalition with the native white establishment in the county. He truly seemed to believe these former confederates would come to the table to build a new bipartisan coalition that would make Florida a prime investment and tourism hub. His lack of Republican values was seen plainly a year later when he said to the legislature
“It was only as a Republican that I could get measures for the benefit of the state from the dominant party at Washington. We would be paralyzed without it.”
Reed’s view of being Governor can be best be summarized here.
The subsequent government led by Gov. Harrison Reed promoted the economic potential of Florida in search of Northern capital, prioritized moderate white involvement in future government operations, and cared little of the political future of African Americans in the state.
Reed’s relationship with his fellow moderates would quickly beak down. Quickly into 1868 he and Senator Osborn fell out; partly a battle of power and control but also Osborn being a much more steadfast Republican.
Reed Makes No Friends
For Reed’s constant backbiting at his own party, he gained nothing from the Democrats. That large majority of native white leaders did not see Reed as someone they could work with. They did not accept the new reconstruction status quo. The goal was always to eventually take control of the government and end Black voting and any notion of Black civil rights. Reed didn’t care about Black issues, but he also did not see that the native whites had no care to keep him around.
Reed managed to alienate everyone within the first six months of his tenure. He vetoed legislation that barred discrimination based on race on railroad cars and other public transport; claiming it was already in the constitution. He then antagonized white democrats when it was announced that Florida would NOT hold an election for President that November, but would instead have the state legislature appoint the state’s three electors. This used to be a more common practice before the civil war but was rarer by this period. While Republicans would have definitely won the election, the move infuriated Democrats who wanted to use the election to rally their cause against Republican nominee Ulysses S. Grant.
Embarrassing Dysfunction
Reed’s tenure as Governor almost came to an early end in 1868, and it was the type of dysfunction that you can only image. A very long story short, Reed scheduled a special election for December for the state’s lone Congressional seat, which Charles Hamilton had been elected to in May but who’s term expired soon. Reed also scheduled special elections for fifteen state legislative seat. Why did he schedule these? Well he had appointed these men to other jobs, and since the state constitution didn’t allow people to hold two different government jobs, he decided these seats were vacant. While some of these members had planned to resign, others were blindsided and perhaps did not realize about the rule on two offices.
What happened next? Well in November when lawmakers came to Tallahassee to give Grant the state’s three electoral votes, an effort to impeach Reed began. The State House, including supposedly removed members, voted to impeach the Governor and suspend him until the Senate could decide his fate. Then Reed’s own Lt Governor, William Henry Gleason, declared that HE WAS NOW THE GOVERNOR. Really really really long story short, Reed eventually got the Supreme Court of Florida to affirm that he was still the Governor and that the House impeachment was void.
The whole saga was an embarrassing debacle. It did have two major effects however. One was that Secretary of State George Alden had sided against Reed. He was hence removed and replaced with Jonathan Gibbs, which pleased many Black leaders. Black lawmakers aimed to woo Reed by taking his side in the post-impeachment world. Meanwhile, William Gleason was also removed from being Lt Governor by the courts, with this largely stemming from him not being a resident of the state for three years.
The entire saga was a perfect parody that white natives would use to lampoon reconstruction governments for generations to come.
The December Elections
Despite all the internal Republican chaos in Tallahassee, the December elections went fairly smooth. Federal troops were still a major presence in state. While Democrats made a few legislative gains, Republicans returned a large majority of the vacant seats. The Congressional election saw Charles Hamilton easily win re-election with 56% of the vote.
The county returns seen below are incomplete and were reported almost five months after the fact, but they give some illumination into dynamics. Hamilton won thanks to massive support in the heavily Black norther counties. William Saunders, one of the radical Republicans from earlier in the year, got 6% and won Alachua County. How active Saunders’ campaign was, I am not sure. However, its notable that Saunders had been a radical that then backed Reed that May.
What helped this election run smooth and Republicans to win was the presence of federal troops still stationed in Florida. There were acts of violence and intimidation, but it paled in comparison to what would come in the next year.
That violence, and the elections held in its wake, will be the topic of the next issue.
This is an incredibly detailed analysis, thank you.